The Chinese government is firm in its position, principles and
policies on Hong Kong. We have stated on many occasions that after
China resumes the exercise of its sovereignty over Hong Kong in
1997, Hong Kong's current social and economic systems will remain
unchanged, its legal system will remain basically unchanged, its
way of life and its status as a free port and an international
trade and financial center will remain unchanged and it can
continue to maintain or establish economic relations with other
countries and regions. We have also stated repeatedly that apart
from stationing troops there, Beijing will not assign officials to
the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. This
policy too will remain unchanged. We shall station troops there to
safeguard our national security, not to interfere in Hong Kong's
internal affairs. Our policies with regard to Hong Kong will remain
unchanged for 50 years, and we mean this.
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We are pursuing a policy of "one country, two systems". More
specifically, this means that within the People's Republic of
China, the mainland with its one billion people will maintain the
socialist system, while Hong Kong and Taiwan continue under the
capitalist system. In recent years, China has worked hard to
overcome "Left" mistakes and has formulated its policies concerning
all fields of endeavor in line with the principle of proceeding
from reality and seeking truth from facts. After five and a half
years things are beginning to pick up. It is against this
background that we have proposed to solve the Hong Kong and Taiwan
problems by allowing two systems to coexist in one country.
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We have discussed the policy of "one country, two systems " more
than once. It has been adopted by the National People's Congress.
Some people are worried that it might change. I say it will not.
The crux of the matter, the decisive factor, is whether the policy
is correct. If it is not, it will change; otherwise it won't.
Besides, is there anyone who can change China's current policy of
opening to the outside world and invigorating the domestic economy?
If it were changed, the living standard of 80 percent of the
Chinese population would decline, and we would lose the people's
support. If we are on the right track and enjoy the people's
support, the policy will not change.
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Our policy towards Hong Kong will remain the same for a long time
to come, but this will not affect socialism on the mainland. The
main part of China must continue under socialism, but a capitalist
system will be allowed to exist in certain areas, such as Hong Kong
and Taiwan. Opening a number of cities on the mainland will let in
some foreign capital, which will serve as a supplement to the
socialist economy and help promote the growth of the socialist
productive forces. For example, when foreign capital is invested in
Shanghai, it certainly does not mean that the entire city has gone
capitalist. The same is true of Shenzhen, where socialism still
prevails. The main part of China remains socialist.
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The concept of "one country, two systems" has been formulated
according to China's realities, and it has attracted international
attention. China has not only the Hong Kong problem to tackle but
also the Taiwan problem. What is the solution to these problems? As
for the second, is it for socialism to swallow up Taiwan, or for
the "Three People's Principles" preached by Taiwan to swallow up
the mainland? The answer is neither. If the problem cannot be
solved by peaceful means, then it must be solved by force. Neither
side would benefit from that. Reunification of the motherland is
the aspiration of the whole nation. If it cannot be accomplished in
100 years, it will be in 1,000 years. As I see it, the only
solution lies in practicing two systems in one country. The world
faces the choice between peaceful and non-peaceful means of solving
disputes. One way or the other, they must be solved. New problems
must be solved by new means. The successful settlement of the Hong
Kong question may provide useful elements for the solution of
international questions. Has any government in the history of the
world ever pursued a policy as generous as China's? Is there
anything recorded in the history of capitalism about any Western
country doing something similar? When we adopt the policy of "one
country, two systems" to resolve the Hong Kong question, we are not
acting on impulse or playing tricks but are proceeding from reality
and taking into full account the past and present circumstances of
the Hong Kong.
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We should have faith in the Chinese of Hong Kong, who are quite
capable of administering their own affairs. The notion that Chinese
cannot manage Hong Kong affairs satisfactorily is a leftover from
the old colonial mentality. For more than a century after the Opium
War, the Chinese people were looked down upon and humiliated by
foreigners. But China's image has changed since the founding of the
People's Republic. The modern image of China was not created by the
government of the late Qing Dynasty, nor by the northern warlords,
nor by Chiang Kai-shek and his son. It is the People's Republic of
China that has changed China's image. All Chinese have at the very
least a sense of pride in the Chinese nation, no matter what
clothes they wear or what political stand they take. The Chinese in
Hong Kong share this sense of national pride. They have the ability
to run the affairs of Hong Kong well and they should be confident
of that. The prosperity of Hong Kong has been achieved mainly by
Hong Kong residents, most of whom are Chinese. Chinese are no less
intelligent than foreigners and are by no means less talented. It
is not true that only foreigners can be good administrators. We
Chinese are just as capable. The view that the people of Hong Kong
lack self-confidence is not really shared by the people of Hong
Kong themselves.
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The contents of the Sino-British talks have not yet been made
public, so many Hong Kong residents do not know the central
government's policy. Once they become familiar with it, they will
have full confidence in it. Our policy on the settlement of the
Hong Kong problem was made known by the Premier of the State
Council in his report on the work of the government to the Second
Session of the Sixth National People's Congress (held in May 1984),
and it was approved by the congress. That shows how serious we are
about it. If at this stage people are still worried about whether
they can trust us, having no faith in the People's Republic of
China and the Chinese government, what's the point of the talking
about anything? We are convinced that the people of Hong Kong are
capable of running the affairs of Hong Kong well, and we want to
see an end to foreign rule. The people of Hong Kong themselves will
agree to nothing less.
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Some requirements or qualifications should be established with
regard to the administration of Hong Kong affairs by the people of
Hong Kong. It must be required that patriots form the main body of
administrators, that is, of the future government of the Hong Kong
special region. Of course it should include other Chinese, too, as
well as foreigners invited to serve as advisers. What is a patriot?
A patriot is one who respects the Chinese nation, sincerely
supports the motherland's resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong
and wishes not to impair Hong Kong's prosperity and stability.
Those who meet these requirements are patriots, whether they
believe in capitalism or feudalism or even slavery. We don't demand
that they be in favor of China's socialist system; we only ask them
to love the motherland and Hong Kong.
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There are 13 years left until 1997. We should start working now to
gradually bring about a smooth transition. First, major
fluctuations or setbacks must be avoided, and the prosperity and
stability of Hong Kong must be maintained. Second, conditions must
be created for a smooth take-over of the government by Hong Kong
residents. I hope that people of all walks of life in Hong Kong
will work towards this end.
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(Summation of Deng Xiaoping's separate talks with members of a
Hong Kong industrial and commercial delegation and with Sze-yuen
Chung and other prominent Hong Kong figures on June 22-23,
1984.)
(China.org.cn February 19, 2004)