By Liu Ning
Former US President Bill Clinton arrived in Pyongyang, capital of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), on August 4, 2009. Japanese news reports say he was greeted at the airport by Yang Hyong Sop, vice president of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, and Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan.
Clinton is the second former US president to visit the DPRK following Jimmy Carter's visit in June 1994. For Clinton, this was also a long delayed visit. In 1999 the US and DPRK agreed in Berlin that the US would lift sanctions on the DPRK in return for a freeze on missile tests. US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright visited the DPRK in October 2000 to pave the way for a future Presidential visit, but an upsurge in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict meant Clinton never made it to Pyongyang.
In her memoirs Albright revealed that Bill Clinton regretted that he had not made the trip to Pyongyang. She said he wished he had gone to the DPRK instead of making what turned out to be futile efforts to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He believed that if he had visited the DPRK, he might have reached a missile deal that would have prevented subsequent risks. But history does not recognize what-ifs. Clinton's failure to break the ice with a visit to the DPRK paved the way for a U-turn in US policy toward the DPRK under President Bush.
Clinton's visit to the DPRK was not a surprise. The US has been making great efforts to rescue the two imprisoned journalists. In July, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed her regret for the incident and asked the DPRK to release them. But she did not demand their unconditional release, and showed some understanding and respect for the judicial procedures of the DPRK. In turn, the DPRK asked for a visit from former President Bill Clinton or some of Obama's ministerial officials. The eventual resolution of the hostage problem was not in question. It was widely expected that Clinton would bring the journalists back to the US.
In the event, none of Obama's government officials accompanied Clinton to the DPRK. In terms of protocol, his visit was no more than an informal trip made by a retired President. But because he made great efforts to normalize relations with the DPRK while President, Clinton has always been regarded as a friend of the DPRK. And, as the husband of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, his visit was undoubtedly seen as a mission assigned to him by President Obama. DPRK media even claimed that Clinton brought with him a letter from President Obama to Kim Jong-il.
All the evidence is that, despite the sanctions regime, the US and the DPRK have never completely cut ties. The two countries have continued to communicate frequently via the DPRK's ambassador to the United Nations in New York.
Clinton's visit to the DPRK signals a breakthrough in the strained US-DPRK relationship. And his purpose was clearly not just to solve the hostage problem. It is unclear whether Clinton's visit marks the start of a new post-six-party-talks era on the DPRK nuclear issue. Pyongyang has not yet had enough time to reflect and Obama's “new thinking” on the DPRK has yet to mature. It is not clear how far the US will go in improving relations. But since Washington is clearly not refusing to deal with the DPRK, and is expressing its willingness to keep up contacts, it is a sign of a change in attitude on its part.
The writer is a research fellow in international relations.
(China.org.cn, translated by Zhang Ming'ai, August 5, 2009)
